The Role of Bisexual Behavior in Ritual Abuse Groups, Pt. 2

Connecting the Dots in the Church of Satan

Author’s Note: This post is part of a much larger article that will be released in parts on IRA. It traces the sexual practices of idolatrous cults and their beliefs to the secret codes and combinations within the Book of Mormon, and argues that those secret codes and combinations persist into the present day. Moreover, a central thesis of this article is that the bisexuality or same sex sexual activity within the LDS Church of Satan and other related ritual abuse groups is consistent with the ritualized sexual practices of mystery cults and pagan groups in Old Testament times and throughout human history. This article is in image form at the end of this post for those of you who wish to see the footnotes in support of these assertions, as including those footnotes in this post would have required time that I simply do not have. The sources are present in the image gallery of this article, and you can review the source material for yourself to make up your own minds. Since this article does mention specific individuals within the the LDS Church of Satan, I am posting it as a paywalled article available in full to paying subscribers for the time being, in order to screen out those subscribers who have resorted to assisting Joe and Lee Bennion, alleged members of the CS in Spring City, who have mounted a spurious campaign of lawfare to suppress any reporting on the allegations against them.

The LDS Church of Satan and Bisexuality

The Hamblin Victims Statements are rife with same sex sexual conduct among LDS Church of Satan (CS) members.  This conduct is an extension of their beliefs; put simply, the beliefs of the Church of Satan have an application that inevitably involves ritualized sex. In the first part of this document, I explicitly drew a causal connection between bisexuality in adult members of the CS and their systemic effort to induce bisexuality in their children through ritualized sexual abuse.  Again, this practice is an application of CS core beliefs.

Rachel Lee Hamblin recounted this application of core beliefs when she described the purpose of masturbation within the CS:

“Redacted and other elders taught us that masturbation is a powerful and important form of prayer to Lucifer. From a very early age, they taught us to do it and to praise him aloud or in our minds, especially as the feelings intensified and at orgasm. They said masturbation was a way to temporarily escape from this mortal life and commune with God (Lucifer).”

The systemic nature of the sexual abuse is clear from Rachel Hamblin’s description of her childhood abuse with respect to masturbation:

  “Redacted gave us toys in the bath that they used in their abuse. We always had a rubber great white shark that they would have "bite" us, usually on our vagina. Redacted also kept a turkey baster in our bathtub toys. We were supposed to play with it and "clean" ourselves inside our vaginas, like a vaginal enema. They would make us do it on each other, too. They also pushed it into our vaginas and anuses saying it would make them bigger. Redacted also gave me a windup penguin. When wound up it would kick its legs and swim around. Redacted used it like a mini vibrator and would push it inside my vagina or hold it on top. Redacted and Redacted trained us to masturbate in the bath and made us touch the private parts of our siblings and cousins.”

The allegation extended to forced incest between Rachel and her cousin, the son of Clyde and Carol Dangerfield, during a 1984 visit to Tucson, Arizona.  Rachel and her male cousin were placed in the bathtub together, and told that to play with each other’s toy, which the adults stipulated was the genitalia of the other child.   The goal appeared to be to break down norms which would have precluded incestuous contact between cousins and siblings, because opposite and same sex incest were modeled as behaviors by the adults.   

Roselle Stevenson allegedly induced her daughters to perform oral sex on her during the mornings before school, which resulted in frequent late arrivals to school or outright absenteeism.  The chronic truancy of the Hamblin sisters is not in dispute: the Court in their parents’ custody trial noted that they were not required to attend school.    Rachel Hamblin estimated the frequency of this abuse at 5-10 times a month during her childhood, with greater frequency during the summers or during times where the sisters were not enrolled at school.

This abuse and the conditioning began as early as 1984, when Rachel and her parents lived in Portchester, New York on Touraine Avenue.   Roselle Stevenson allegedly sexually abused her daughter by rubbing her vagina and anus, and then told Rachel to “eat her “tuna” (vagina) like a little kitten.”  Rachel Hamblin would have been between three and four years of age.  The use of “tuna” as a reference to the vagina was likely originated by Roselle’s mother, Carma de Jong Anderson, who Rachel accused of using the same term when coercing Rachel and her sisters into oral sex.

The methodology was simple enough: the adults within the CS would refer to vagina’s as tunas, rosebuds, flowers, or treats.  Rachel claimed that her mother and grandmother referred to her vagina as “rosebud” or “rose,” while Eliza’s vagina was called “pansyface,” and Katie’s vagina was referred to as “tulips” a play on “two lips” which Rachel said “referred to the anatomy of the vagina.   During another incident in 1992 or 1993, Rachel Hamblin alleged that her mother and her maternal uncle Nathan Anderson took pictures of the sisters performing oral sex on Roselle Stevenson, or as she put it, “nursing her “tuna” (vagina)” while Rachel’s sisters nursed at their mother’s breasts.

According to Rachel, her mother had her sisters pose for another similar photo to one of the photographs taken during this incident and sent it to her as a threat after Rachel was married to Tyler Jones.

The abuse described above is same sex, and highly unusual outside of the ritual abuse context.   The percentage of women among all sex offenders is estimated to be a mere two percent to twelve percent.  Roselle Stevenson’s pathology as described by her daughters in their victims statements is consistent with the findings of studies on female sex offenders:

• Female sex offenders are “virtually indistinguishable from the general population, with one notable exception: there is a high incidence of physical sexual, and emotional abuse in their histories.  Grayston & DeLuca’s review of the clinical literature on female perpetrators of child sexual abuse found that female sex offenders’ relationships with their mothers “were problematic, with physical and psychological abuse present in nearly all the relationships.”

• Faller and others have found that female offenders are more likely than male offenders to offend with an accomplice, and are “frequently involved in abusive relationships with their co-offenders,” while “women who molested children independently were more likely than women who molested with an accomplice to have been severely sexually molested themselves prior to the age of ten.”

Roselle Stevenson fits into the known clinical models and findings with respect to female sex offenders.   According to her daughters, she was part of a multigenerational ritual abuse cult within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints that stretched back to Roselle’s grandfather Gerrit de Jong, Jr. at a minimum.   Roselle’s relationship with her mother Carma Anderson typified this, in that Carma described being forced to participate in ritual abuse with her father Gerrit to her granddaughters, up to and including sacrifice and cannibalism.